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Examples of the interweaving are: · Franklin Hughes Delano-heir to buy vytorin 30mg low price cholesterol alcohol a massive whale oil fortune purchase 20mg vytorin with amex cholesterol vitamin d. We have touched on his son and grandson who led the Astor famIly after John Jacob died vytorin 20 mg on line cholesterol quick test. We examined bow Satanism and the occult had a hold on England even back when John Jacob Astor came to the New World. We 11 have looked at the Chanler family, a branch of the Astor family which is part of Satanism. We also looked at how the Roosevelts and Delano families have been associated with the Astors. The Iliuminati seeks to capture the occult power of powerful occult bloodlines around the world. They have intermarried with American Indians to gain the spiritual power resident within the leading spiritual American Indians. They have been doing this type of thing for thousands of years Powerful families around the world participate on different levels with the Illuminati. Some participate on a business level such as the various crime (Mafia type) families around the world. Mafia families might not subscribe to the occult philosophy but they do recognize power and business. Some powerful families around the world participate simply on the level that they have been sucked into the world’s system and are dependent upon going along with the flow of the world’s system. The British empire has done a great job in trying to make Nepal dependent upon them. Nepal was given British protection, their leading families were given British educations, and their leading tribe of warriers, the Gurkhas have been serving as British mercenaries. However, the trump card in sucking nations like Nepal in, is to create conflict like the Cold War and then apply Hegelian dialectics. Many nations around the world have been forced to cosy up with the British and Americans, because of the cold war. Secretly manufactured and secretly controlled international conflicts are a great way to take away the independence of some of the smaller nations. However, Switzerland has been afforded the luxury of not having to take sides in the Illuminati’s secretly created wars, because the bloodlines have had such total control over Switzerland for so many centuries. If families are powerful but not in the Illuminati’s clique, they can be destroyed such as Howard Hugh was. An example of this is how the Rothschilds progressively destroyed the Romanovs (the Russian Imperial Family). But the Romanovs were also an occult bloodline, and so the IlIuminati secretly took children of the Imperial family to serve as breeders for the IlIuminati so that the Illuminati could channel in the Romanov’s occult blood into their bloodlines. Some of the Phnariot families of the Byzantine have had enduring powerful lineages. The Venetian and Genoese banker/international commerce families have produced some enduring powerful lineages. Families from these groups have tended toward Satanism (Gnosticism) or cults that are not Christian. Note also that the Warburgs, who work so closely with the Rothschilds, are descendents of Abraham del Banco, an old banker in Venice. Some of your old aristocratic Russian occult bloodlines were the first to financially help Hitler’s fledgling Nazi Party. The powerful bloodlines diversify into different last names, but some of them still have enough visibility that they can be halfway tracked by their modern names. For instance, the Cabot Family of 1 Boston are descendents of Sebastian Cabot who was born in Venice. Sebastian Cabot (who father was John Cabot) was in turn descended from Giovanni Caboto of Genoa. Men like Sirdar Ikbal Ali Shah are very knowledgable about arab magic and occult practices. These families keep track of their genealogies, and certain members of these occult families know the histories of these families. I believe that a history of the top thirteen llluminati families is the key to understanding history. Many of the families which appear to be,,allied" with the top families are actually related at some point back in time.

At the deepest level vytorin 30 mg on line cholesterol levels when not fasting, large scale environmental problems such as global warming threaten people’s sense of the continuity of life — what sociologist Anthony Giddens calls ontological security purchase vytorin 20mg visa cholesterol levels results. Denial is socially organized because societies develop and reinforce a whole repertoire of techniques or “tools” for ignoring disturbing problems buy vytorin 20 mg line cholesterol education. In the community where I did my research, collectively holding information about global warming at arm’s length took place by participating in cultural norms of attention, emotion, and conversation, and by using a series of cultural narratives to defect disturbing information and normalize a particular version of reality in which “everything is fne. As a result of this kind of denial, people I have interviewed described a sense of knowing and not knowing, of having information but not thinking about it in their everyday lives. Given what we know about both the severity of climate change and the need for immediate action, I propose that we as sociologists focus our attention on 1) understanding the complexity of human social response to disturbing information, especially the conditions under which this denial breaks down, and 2) the identifcation of leverage points for engendering response to climate science on the individual, community, statewide and national levels. Although there may be both social incentives and social resources for distancing oneself from and collectively ignoring disturbing information, denial does break down. Methodologies that may be particularly useful here include extensive in-depth interviews together with content analyses and survey questionnaires. For example: 118 Workshop Proceedings Appendix 3: Workshop Papers Response Barrier: Gap between Information and Daily Life. Possible Leverage Point: Impact Assessments, Disaster Preparedness, and Mitigation Encourage planning at community, state and federal levels. The development of impact assessments, disaster preparedness, and mitigation planning may serve to make climate information “real,” bringing it close to home. Tese actions are predicted to reduce the gap between such information and daily life, decrease the sense of a double reality, and bring home the impacts in economic, infrastructure, and physical terms. Sociological Perspectives on Global Climate Change 119 Appendix 3: Workshop Papers Simone Pulver Brown University Transitioning to a Low-Carbon Economy: the sociological contribution What do we know: What does Sociology bring to the table for studying the human dimensions of global climate change. All would agree that the eighty percent cuts in global greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, which are described as necessary to avoid serious adverse impacts on the global climate system, will entail the restructuring of global, national, regional, and local economies. Sociology ofers insights on the patterns, drivers, and obstacles to this restructuring, at both the micro-agent and macro-structure levels. From a micro-agent, frm-level perspective, we understand the drivers of frm environmental behavior. Standard models point to four sources of pressure that cause frms to adopt environmentally friendly policies and practices. They include three external drivers: market pressures and opportunities, current and pending government regulation, and stakeholder pressures. Market pressures and opportunities can take the form of lowering costs of inputs and/or waste disposal, green marketing, and enhancing rent-earning characteristics of frms such as reputation or product quality. Firms comply with regulation to avoid the fnes and penalties associated with noncompliance. Transformational leadership is the fourth driver of frm greening, but unlike the other external forms of pressure, its origin is within the frm (Gladwin 1993; Weinberg 1998). Tere are two primary ways to explain the mechanism linking external pressure to change in frm environmental behavior. The frst models frms as rational actors with fxed interests based on their operational characteristics. Within this framework, variation in frm environmental behavior is the result of diferences in external pressures, diferences in frm operational characteristics, or a combination of the two (see for example, Baylis, Connell, and Flynn 1998). In contrast, new institutionalist models of frm behavior reject economic, rational actor theories of the frm and the idea of fxed interests based on frm characteristics. Rather, they argue that frm interests and drivers of frm action are constituted via a process of shared knowledge creation by a frm and other actors in its organizational feld (see for example Hofman and Ventresca 2002). When explaining variation in frm greening, new institutionalists highlight the intensity and density of formal and informal network ties between managers and other actors in their organizational felds, including competitors, suppliers, product customers, and regulatory agencies (Biggart and Lutzenhiser 2007), the key role of perceptions of issue salience (Bansal and Roth 2000), and the values of individual managers (Hofman 2001) to frms’ assessments of the benefts of ecological responsiveness. Tus, frms with similar operations, facing similar market, regulatory, and stakeholder pressures, may adopt diverging strategies because of divergent understandings prevalent in the particular economic, political, and socio-ideological networks in which individual frm managers are embedded. Organizational and economic sociologists, as well as scholars in political science and business strategy, have used this standard framework of frm environmental behavior to analyze the climate strategies and practices of frms at the forefront of the business-climate change interface including oil companies, electric utilities, car companies, and the insurance industry (Rowlands 2000; Levy and Newell 2000; Levy and Kolk 2002; van den Hove, Le Menestrel, and de Sociological Perspectives on Global Climate Change 121 Bettignies 2002; van der Woerd et al. A bottom-up, micro-agent perspective provides insight on how individual frms respond in the face of climate change. However, the transition to a low-carbon economy implies wide scale, macro-structural change. Sociologists have tackled questions about environmentally-motivated macro-structural change from two directions, but no consensus exists on the possibility of greening the economy or on the top-down dynamics of ecological restructuring. Environmental sociology ofers two competing theories about the potential for ecologically restructuring the economy.

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This explanation cheap 20 mg vytorin with mastercard cholesterol test milton keynes, however buy vytorin 30 mg with mastercard bad cholesterol levels nz, fails to order vytorin cholesterol score of 5.1 account for the observed subadditivity in frequency judgments (in which additivity is obvious) and for the finding of binary complementarity (in which additivity is consistently satisfied). The combination of binary complementarity and subadditive elementary judgments, implied by support theory, is inconsistent with both Bayesian and revisionist models. The Bayesian model implies that the unpacking factor should equal one because the unpacked and packed hypotheses have the same extension. Shafer’s theory of belief functions and other models of lower probability require an unpacking factor of less than one, because they assume that the subjective probability (or belief) of the union of disjoint events is generally greater than the sum of the probabilities of its exclusive constituents. Furthermore, the data cannot be explained by the dual of the belief function (called the plausibility function) or, more generally, by an upper probability. The experimental findings, of course, do not invalidate the use of upper and lower probability, or belief functions, as formal systems for representing uncertainty. However, the evidence reviewed in this section indicates that these models are inconsistent with the principles that govern intuitive probability judgments. Results of Experiments Comparing Probability and Frequency Judgments: Unpacking Factor Computed From Mean Probability Assigned to Coextensional Explicit and Implicit Disjunctions Note: the number of components in the explicit disjunction is denoted by n. Is it possible to reverse the process and predict probability judgments from direct assessments of evidence strength. What is the relation between such ratings and the support estimated from probability judgments. Perhaps the most natural assumption is that the two scales are monotonically related; that is, s(A) s(B) if and only if (iff) s(A) s(B). This assumption implies, for example, thatP(A, B) 2 iff1 s(A) s(B), but it does not determine the functional form relating sand s. To further specify the relation between the scales, it may be reasonable to assume, in addition, that support ratios are also monotonically related. It can be shown that if the two monotonicity conditions are satisfied, and both scales are defined, say, on the unit interval, then there exists a constant k > 0 such that the support function derived from probability judgments and the support function assessed directly are related by a power transformation of the forms= sk. This gives rise to the power model R(A, B) = P(A, B)/P(B, A) = [s(A)/s(B)],k yielding log R(A, B) = k log[s(A)/s(B)]. We next use this model to predict judged probability from independent assessments of evidence strength obtained in two studies. We posted a questionnaire to this news group and asked readers to complete and return it by electronic mail within 1 week. In the questionnaire, subjects assessed the probability that the home team would win in each of 20 upcoming games. Use of this “expert” population yielded highly reliable judgments, as shown, among other things, by the fact that the median value of the correlation between an individual subject’s ratings and the set of mean judgments was. After making their probability judgments, subjects rated the strength of each of the five teams. The participants were instructed: First, choose the team you believe is the strongest of the five, and set that team’s strength to 100. Assign the remaining teams ratings in proportion to the strength of the strongest team. For example, if you believe that a given team is half as strong as the strongest team (the team you gave a 100), give that team a strength rating of 50. Because the strength ratings did not take into account the home court effect, we collapsed the probability judgments across the two possible locations of the match. The slope of the regression line predicting log R(A, B) from log [s(A)/s(B)] provided an estimate of k for each subject. This result suggests that the power model can be used to predict judged probability from assessments of strength that make no reference to chance or uncertainty. It also reinforces the psychological interpretation of s as a measure of evidence strength. Judged probability for basketball games as a function of normalized strength ratings. Study 4: Crime Stories this study was designed to investigate the relation between judged probability and assessed support in a very different context and to explore the enhancement effect, described in the next subsection. To this end, we adapted a task introduced by Teigen (1983) and Robinson and Hastie (1985) and presented subjects with two criminal cases. The first was an embezzlement at a computer-parts manufacturing company involving four suspects (a manager, a buyer, an accountant, and a seller). The second case was a murder that also involved four suspects (an activist, an artist, a scientist, and a writer).

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Wherever the rational choice model shall go generic 20mg vytorin overnight delivery cholesterol levels eyes, in other words order vytorin cheap online cholesterol test price in pakistan, the heuristics and biases program – or something much like it – must follow purchase 20 mg vytorin amex cholesterol lowering foods india. And follow it did, as the heuristics and biases program has reshaped both explicit and implicit assumptions about human thought in all of these areas and a few more. Models of spending and investment behavior have been particularly influenced by the heuristics and biases program, thanks partly to the deft translations offered by economist Richard Thaler (see DeBondt and Thaler, Chapter 38). Thaler’s work is an example of how the heuristics and biases program has become a “full-circle” paradigm: insights that were sparked by observations in the classroom, battlefield, and conference room, then sharpened and tested in the experimental laboratory, are ultimately used to predict and explain behavior in the stock market, housing market, and employment market. The influence has also extended beyond applied economics to the fundamental core of theoretical economics. A recent review in a prominent economics journal, for example, advised economists to broaden their theories beyond the assumptions associated with “Chicago man” (the rational actor associated with the free-market economic theories developed at the University of Chicago) to incorporate the constraints associated with “K-T man” (McFadden, 1999). A second boost to the heuristics and biases program is one we have already mentioned, the set of theories and metaphors associated with the “cognitive revolution” that dominated psychology when Kahneman and Tversky advanced their initial set of heuristics. The set of analogies associated with conceptualizing the mind as a computer is congenial to the idea of subroutines devoted to assessments of similarity, availability, and adjustment from some handy starting point. The fit is even tighter, of course, if one conceptualizes the mind (as was quite common in the 1970s) as a computer with limited processing capacity. Such a view makes the idea of effort-saving subroutines that sometimes provide reasonable but imperfect solutions seem particularly appealing and compelling. Sloman (1996) discusses the even closer fit of the heuristics and biases approach with the more modern conception of the mind as a connectionist computer, characterized by massively parallel processing and coherence-based computation (Sloman, Chapter 22, focuses on psychological evidence rather than computational principles). The heuristics and biases message also fit well with – and was reinforced by – the pragmatic agenda of much of the field of social psychology. Social psychologists have had an enduring interest in social problems and their alleviation. Research on such topics as persuasion, conformity, and cognitive consistency has been fueled by a concern with the dark side of each – sinister propaganda, mindless conformity, and the biases to which rationalization gives rise. But the social evil with the greatest fascination for social psychologists has always been the combination of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination, topics to which the heuristics and biases agenda was seen as highly relevant. Anyone interested in the false beliefs that characterize many stereotypes is likely to be receptive to new ideas about sources of error and bias in everyday judgment. The field of social psychology was thus receptive to Kahneman and Tversky’s ideas from the very beginning and the field’s enthusiasm provided another boost to their approach. This is exemplified most powerfully by Nisbett and Ross’s (1980) influential treatment of the difficulties people confront in trying to negotiate the complexities of everyday social life, and the nonoptimal strategies they often pursue in the attempt to do so. Their work, which has been called the “errors and biases” perspective in social psychology, was different from Kahneman and Tversky’s in an important respect. Nisbett and Ross and their school have been primarily concerned with the causes and consequences of nonoptimal reasoning in social life. Thus, the “fundamental attribution error” (Ross, 1977), the self-serving bias in attribution (Miller & Ross, 1975), and the confirmation bias in social interaction (Snyder & Swann, 1978; Word, Zanna, & Cooper, 1974) have been studied because of their implications for such problems as intergroup conflict and discrimination. In this case, the errors and biases are central; they are not studied first and foremost as a cue to the underlying processes of judgment. Demonstration studies were designed as much like cocktail party anecdotes as traditional cognitive psychology studies, making them magnets for academic lecturers and textbook writers alike. Scenarios involving feminist bank tellers and African countries in the United Nations made the lessons of the heuristics and biases tradition memorable for students at all levels. It is difficult to overestimate the impact of style in the program’s success – although the message would not have spread without substance as well. A medium of communication that included stories and personality sketches was well-suited to the message that people think more naturally in terms of narratives and stereotypes than set-theoretic concepts. People, particularly academics, do not accept new ideas and approaches easily, nor should they. As Galbraith noted, “Faced with the choice between changing one’s mind and proving that there is no need to do so, almost everyone gets busy on the proof. The most common critique of the research on heuristics and biases is that it offers an overly pessimistic assessment of the average person’s ability to make sound and effective judgments. People by and large manage their lives satisfactorily, something they would be unlikely to accomplish, the argument goes, if their judgments were so prone to bias.

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